There's an annotated copy of Bush's Jan. 10, 2007 speech up at
Future of the
Book. The idea is to run comments alongside the speech. They
invited various people to comment, and also invited comments from
the general public. The latter are moderated. I sent one in on
Friday. The website promised a decision within two hours, but my
comment has yet to appear, and I have not received anything back.
Several new commenters have appeared in the meantime, but possibly
they were preapproved. It's possible that they're just being slow,
but looking at the biographical notes on the commenters make me
suspect credentialism. Everyone to appear so far has an officious
sounding job title and something of a publication record. I don't.
Obviously, anyone can publish a blog, so that doesn't count for
much. Same thing has been said about rock critics -- in fact, I
recall doing so myself. Still, I'm reminded that Jane Jacobs put
credentialism high on her list of dark ages trends. It seems like
every time you turn on the TV or look an op-ed page, you'll see
idiocy vouchsafed by nothing more than credentials. That seems to
be the media's guideline for deciding who's opinion counts, and
whose can be safely ignored. Like they say: opinions are like
assholes -- everyone's got one.
But having a blog, I'll run this one anyway. For reference,
it's about Bush's paragraph 19:
Succeeding in Iraq also requires defending its territorial
integrity -- and stabilizing the region in the face of the extremist
challenge. This begins with addressing Iran and Syria. These two
regimes are allowing terrorists and insurgents to use their territory
to move in and out of Iraq. Iran is providing material support for
attacks on American troops. We will disrupt the attacks on our
forces. We will interrupt the flow of support from Iran and Syria. And
we will seek out and destroy the networks providing advanced weaponry
and training to our enemies in Iraq.
My comment is:
Iran and Syria may have reasons for undermining the US in Iraq,
but like Turkey and Saudi Arabia, they also have reasons to fear
instability and upheaval there. The Assad family's worst fear is
that the Salafist Jihadis so prominent in Iraq's Sunni resistance
will spread into Syria. Iran has historical issues with Sunnis
and Kurds, although their favor with Iraq's Shiite parties puts
them in a strong position to rival or replace the Americans as
the Shiites protector. On the other hand, Turkey has threatened
action if Iraq's Kurds move toward independence, and the Saudis
have are making noises about defending Iraqi Sunnis in the civil
war. Bush's focus on Iran and Syria reflect his blind ideology
more than anything happening in the region. It's as if he can't
even conceive of anyone else having interests orthogonal from
his "either you're with us or against us" view of American
interests.
That Iran is not supporting anti-American forces in Iraq in
any significant way can be proven by comparing the arms that are
used in Iraq to Iranian-supplied Hezbollah. If Iraqis had Qassam
rockets, they could easily breach the Green Zone and the major
US military bases, to devastating effect. If Iraqis had the
anti-tank weaponry Hezbollah used, their attacks on US armored
vehicles would be much more effective. In short, it's easy to
see how Iranian-armed Iraqis could push the US death toll from
3000 to 4000 almost overnight. Of course, if that happened, the
US would retaliate, and Iranian losses would be far worse, but
that would set off further escalations in Iraq and the Persian
Gulf which would be very painful for both sides.
Sane leaders would back away from any such confrontation.
Indeed, even the Baker-Hamilton group found ample reason to
argue that diplomacy could find all parties sharing a common
interest in stabilizing Iraq. But here we find Bush issuing
threats as if Tehran doesn't take the threat he represents
seriously. As Baghdad burns, the moves we're seeing toward
attacking Iran -- moving US carriers and subs into the area,
Israel practicing bombing runs on Gibraltar -- I'm reminded
of Nixon's "madman" strategy, when he tried to influence
negotiations with the Vietnamese by scrambling SAC bombers
to feint a preemptive nuclear strike against the Soviet
Union. Of course, Nixon was just pretending to be wacko.
It's hard to be sure about Bush.
After I wrote this, I saw a TV news story that showed a small
cache of allegedly Iranian anti-tank weapons the US captured from
the Mehdi Army -- the Sadr-affiliated militia. That is plausible,
but falls far short of what Bush has implied. While there is no
love lost between the Americans and the Sadrists, they are also
not involved in open warfare, and where there are skirmishes it
is often because the Americans went looking for it. That could,
of course, change: there is at least a camp among the Americans
that wants to squeeze Sadr out of the government and smash his
militia. But Sadr seems to have far more grass roots support than
SCIRI, coincidentally the Shiite group the Americans like best
and the one most completely in Iran's pocket. That contradiction
seems to have escaped the people who pick their friends by how
flattering they are, and figure everyone else can be beat into
shape.