Ivor van Heerden: The Storm
Ivor van Heerden describes himself as a disaster scientist. He was
born in South Africa, but was drawn to Louisiana, first to LSU, then
to the wetlands. He holds a Ph.D. in marine sciences, teaches civil
and environmental engineering, is deputy director of the LSU Hurricane
Center, and director of the Center for the Study of Public Health
Impacts of Hurricanes. His background and strategic position offers
a unique perspective on the Katrina disaster, as least in terms of
New Orleans.
I've also read Michael Eric Dyson's Come Hell or High Water:
Hurricane Katrina and the Color of Disaster, which provides a
good chronology of the hurricane and what happened after, as well
as a longer meditation on how race factors in, especially on the
response end. I don't want to go down that rathole, but my own view
is that race didn't factor much into the post-disaster fiasco. On
the other hand, there's no doubt that the poor were hit hardest and
had the least recourse, and the deep history there has much to do
with race. Indeed, the race politics of the Jim Crow south laid the
foundation for government that recognizes no responsibility to its
poor, while serving itself and its wealthy patrons with cronyism.
FEMA's response to Katrina is just one example of the application
of such Jim Crow politics -- minus the race baiting, mostly, but
with the same contempt for anyone not hooked into the ruling class.
But van Heerden is invaluable for understaning just what happened,
why it happened, what we knew about it and when, and how Katrina fits
into the general pattern of hurricane threats. In addition to his
scientific and engineering expertise, he was well connected, both to
the media and to various political bodies -- even though he wasn't
always welcome, as when the Army Corps of Engineers tried to obstruct
his investigation of their levee failures.
The following are some long quotes from van Heerden's book, The
Storm: What Went Wrong and Why During Hurricane Katrina -- The Inside
Story From One Louisiana Scientist (2006, Viking). Mike Bryan is
listed as second author, probably deserving much credit for the easy
flow of the prose, but the story is told as a first-person memoir.
The first quote sums up [pp. 10]:
Over thirteen hundred citizens in Louisiana and Mississippi died
due to Hurricane Katrina -- the number as of February 2006, and
certain to go up, perhaps dramatically, as the missing are
reclassified. Six months after the storm, one hundred thousand
families were still homeless. Some of those deaths and some of those
dislocations were inevitable, because Katrina was a natural
disaster. Others -- the majority -- were man-made. I don't see how we
can avoid that conclusion. The levee systems failed inexcusably. We
now thoroughly understand the need for coastal restoration as a buffer
against the big storms, but land loss continues at an alarming rate.
So what next? Should we clean up and rebuild New Orleans -- to
the extent even possible -- if we then repeat the mistakes of the
past? No, because the point overlooked in much of the Katrina media
coverage is the fact that this hurricane was not the big
one. I've learned that people don't want to hear this, because it
makes them angry. But there it is.As Katrina should have
affected New Orleans proper, she was decidedly a medium hurricane.
Sometime in the foreseeable future a bigger storm will not take
that last-minute jog to the east and every square foot of New
Orleans -- all of it, not just 80 percent -- will be underwater, and
deeper underwater than this time. Unless, that is, the right measures
are authorized and funded immediately, then executed promptly and
properly.
I don't like to see good science pushed to the sidelines just
because it conflicts with narrow inteests pushing their self-serving
agendas. Such politics as usual helped to inundate New Orleans in
2005. If science and engineering had been allowed to play their proper
role in the development of policies for the wetlands and the levees,
we wouldn't be in this situation today. If nothing changes in the
future, one fifth of the state of Louisiana -- everything south of
Interstate 10, including the city of New Orleans in its entirety --
will disappear beneath the waves, gone for good, and we will have no
one to blame but ourselves. Future historians will be writing books
about the "Cajun Atlantis."
Hard as it is to believe, nature has actually given us a bit of a
second chance. There's something left to work with in New Orleans. We
must put aside the politics, egos, turf wars, and profit agendas if
we're going to reconstruct this city effectively, engineer proper
levees, and restore the buffering coastline.
Van Heerden surveys the various scientists working with him at LSU's
Hurricane Center, including a group he calls the "surge warriors" --
the people who gather the raw data for the Center's surge flow models,
which predicted the extent of flooding due to overtopping levees [p. 40]:
Notice that about half of the surge warriors are not American-born,
and no surprise. This is where we're at in this country today. More
and more of the faculty and the majority of graduate students in
engineering and physical scences are from foreign soil, and not just
at LSU, everywhere in the United States. American kids are not that
interested in long, demanding graduate programs that don't guarantee
riches in the end. I think MBA programs may be sucking more than their
fair share of the best students away from the sciences and
engineering.
There are various stories about FEMA's arrogance and incompetence.
At one point, van Heerden suggests the use of tent cities for evacuees:
they are cheap, easy to assemble, can be provisioned for, and keep folks
safe but close by so they can return quickly and maintain a labor pool
for clean-up. They're actually common practice in many parts of the
world, but FEMA rejected the idea out of hand, explaining that Americans
don't live in tents. Instead, they shipped folks everywhere, to places
with no provisions, while leasing cruise ships and buying up mobile
homes. On the other hand, the Center for Disease Control appears to
be just about the last bastion of science and sanity in the federal
government [p. 59]:
The CDC's two-page list of health impacts included West Nile virus,
rabies, waterborne gastrointestinal diseases, burns, pulmonary
irritations -- the usual suspects, and more -- and it was the job of
both our center at LSU and the CDC to be prepared to provide relief
officials and policymakers with the best information regarding all of
them. The CDC provides medical support teams to any state requesting
their help, and it also has rapid-assessment teams, a critical part of
any response to a major disaster. They can assure that the correct
medical supplies, health resources, and manpower are available as soon
as possible. Because of our research we could give them a good
heads-up on what to expect after Katrina.
I was not surprised by the CDC's prompt and efficient response to
the telltale surge model. They're on teh ball. Compared to some of the
FEMA officials with whom we had dealt in the past few years, they are
disciplined, scientific, fact-based, and results oriented.
A major part of the book concerns the levee failures and the Army
Corps of Engineers' responsibility and cover-up [pp. 94-95]:
It must be repeated: If the only sources of water in New Orleans
had been the rainfall from Katrina (seven to ten inches), the
predicted overtopping of the levees of the Intracoastal Waterway and
the Industrial Canals, the overtopping of the Lakefront Airport levee,
and the breach at the CSX railroad junction, the flooding in the
Orleans East and St. Bernard bowls on the eastern side of Greater New
Orleans would have been much less damaging, and the flooding in the
Orleans Metro Bowl, the heart of the city to the west, would have been
relatively insignificant. According to our latest calculations, 88
percent of the flooding in the Orleans Metro Bowl, by volume, was due
to the breaches on the London Avenue and 17th Street canals. In
Orleans East, 69 percent of the flood was due to breaches. In the
St. Bernard Bowl, 92 percent. Thus, on average, 87 percent of
all the water that ended up flooding the greater New Orleans metro
area was the result of levee failures that totaled less than 400 yards
on the drainage canals and 650 yards on the Industrial Canal.
Van Heerden's other major interest is in wetlands restoration
[p. 161-162]:
So the first point to know regarding the relationship of the
disappearing wetlands and the peril in this part of the state is the
irony that the flood-control measures necessary to create and then
protect the infrastructure in this entire part of the state are
contributing to the loss of land on which this infrastructure
sits. The second point is the impact of the oil and gas industry,
without which the state of Louisiana would practically collapse,
economically. Our wetlands are the nation's number-one source of crude
oil (pumping more than the Alaska pipeline) and the second-leading
source of natural gas, and in order to support and transport this
production the companies have carved, by one calculation, eight
thousand miles of cuts and canals throughout the wetlands. Since this
entire network ties into the Gulf of Mexico, it provides opportunity
for salt-water encroachment. It is subject to erosion and disrupts the
natural flow of waters in the marshes. The whole artificial system
works to the detriment of the wetlands. No one claims otherwise. The
third undisputed factor is shoreline erosion, inevitable at all times
but especially relevant when the natural sedimentation processes offer
no compensation.
More on wetlands [p. 167]:
Thanks to subsiding land and rising oceans, the southern part of
Louisiana is three feet lower than it was one hundred years ago,
relative to mean sea level. The state loses twenty-five square miles
of wetlands every year, over twenty times the rate recorded in the
early part of the last century, when wetlands gain for the most part
equaled wetlands loss. Since the 1930s, this has come to more than a
million acres of lost land. In another one hundred years, if we don't
get serious about rebuilding these wetlands, the land will be another
three feet lower and, for all practical (and aesthetic) purposes, no
longer land at all.
And more [p. 169]:
Real estate developers hungry for terra firma are running out of
acreage, so they dig canals to drain marshes and build ad hoc levees
to protect the new sod from storm surge -- until it doesn't. What
companies would ever insure such homes? Louisiana and Texas
traditionally rank one and two in flood insurance claims.
Increasingly, insurers are not writing homeowner policies in
the wetlands, or they attach an explicit rider excluding hurricane
damage. I hate to vote witht he insurance companies, but on this
issue, who could blame them?
Van Heerden takes apart what he calls the Army Corps of Engineers'
party line: "The levees were sound, but the event exceeded the
design. Congress told us to design to a Cat 3, and that's what we
did. Our hands were tied. Katrina was a Cat 4 storm." [p. 200]:
Simply not so, and at the LSU hurricane centers we were
immediately suspicious of this whole scenario. The lowest of the
levees in question were supposed to be fourteen feet above mean sea
level, and the ADCIRC surge models had predicted a surge in the lake
topping out at ten feet, maybe eleven, because the lake was on the
western, or weaker, side of Katrina, where sustained winds were 75
mph. That's a Cat 1 storm, folks. The catastrophic storm surge
had been to the east of New Orleans and, especially, on the
Mississippi coast. For New Orleans and Lake Pontchartrain and the
levees, Katrina was not a major hurricane. It's that simple,
but as I mentioned in the introduction,I know from experience that
people don't want to hear this. They want to have lived through this
monster, and they want the catastrophe to have been caused by this
monster. In the city itself, this just wasn't the case.
In October, we got word from NOAA that, indeed, Katrina might have
been just a Cat 3 at landfall, and then the National Hurricane Center
confirmed the number in late December. Additionally, the forward speed
was fast, 14 mph to 17 mph, so over the lake and the city was a
fast-moving Cat 1 hurricane -- nothing approaching the storm the Corps
claimed the levees were designed to withstand.
Finally, this is his summary [pp. 289-290]:
I'm on record defending the radical idea that the same federal
government that drowned New Orleans with the failure of its levees
should compensate all of those who lost lives and homes. Instead, the
best we have come up with so far is the plan devised by Congressman
Richard Baker from suburban Baton Rouge to allot homeowners and
lenders 60 percent of the pre-Katrina value of their demolished
property. Sine the federal government is responsible for 100 percent
of the losses, why not compensate for 100 percent of them?
Still, coming from a conservative Republican, this was a pretty
radical, progressive idea, and is appreciated as such. Of course, the
Bush administration has declared the plan dead, but in February 2006,
Governor Blanco announced a state initiative that adds $4.2 billion
authorized by Congress for community development block grant funding
to the $6.2 billion already guaranteed. Blanco proposed a cap of
$150,000 on the money available to each homeowner to repair, rebuild,
relocate, or accept as a buyout. A program to register potential
homeowners is currently under way.
Let's face it. A just outcome for the homeowners is highly
unlikely. Lord knows there are plenty of civil cases shaping up
against various defendants, including the Corps, contractors, and
insurance companies, but this litigation is guaranteed to last
forever, and it is unlikely to deliver full justice to those who have
lost everything. The state of Louisiana cannot possibly afford to pay
for the program.
There are various drawings of levee cross-sections, details on the
underlying geology -- weak soils, sands, peat, all of which are bad
news, requiring steel piling to be driven much deeper than had been
done. (The post-flood repairs often go 50 feet deeper.) Also details
on the effect of canals, levees, destruction of barrier islands, and
so forth on wetlands. Also various political tidbits, like the story
of what he calls the "Pelican Brief" -- the short-lived post-flood
economic recovery bill that Louisiana's senators proposed, stuffed
to the gills with irrelevant pork projects. My favorite was a little
item where, just before the flood, Senator Vitter filed a bill to
promote mining the cypress trees that hold together the remaining
wetlands.
A big part of van Heerden's message is that it is technically
possible to build levees and flood control systems that, combined
with a major program of wetlands recovery, could keep New Orleans
and its key economic infrastructure secure from even a Category 5
hurricane. Of course, that doesn't factor in the likelihood of sea
level rise due to global warming. But more immediate problems are
still obvious: our system of profit-driven politics, real confusion
over risk management and the role of government, and the increasing
tide of contempt for science and reason. A good deal more than the
future of New Orleans rides on how we face up to those problems,
but it's hard to imagine a more graphic or immediate example.
posted 2006-09-23
|